Thursday, February 9, 2023

THE "NO SURRENDER"(British) IS NOT MY LANGUAGE: "He can't be prosecuted for it because he's a head of state, but the world knows."

You will prove this to me with acts as early as this week at Slovenian police where I will headed with my case http://ausertimes.blogspot.com/2023/02/mh17-putin-probabalymaybe-supplied.html 

I WILL ACCEPT AS LISTED ABOVE AS DEAD - ALIVE NEVER EVER. YOU PUSHED ME INTO

WORLD OF CRIME AND DEMANDED CRIME RESOLVED TO ESTABLISH EXACTLY(TO BECOME UNIVERSALLY ACCEPTABLE FOR PEOPLE TO BENT DOWN ON KNEES INFRONT OF WHOM WORLD REJECTED 80 YEARS AGO) AS STATED IN TITLE - A NEW MOTTO FOR UNITED NATIONS, BUT YOU WILL HAVE TO PROVE IT TO ME AS THE FIRST ONE WHO REJECTED AS IS ABOVE MARKED IN YELLOW.

ITS A PSYCHOLOGY OF TERRORISM EVOLUTION WE HAVE SEEN IN THE PAST
AND ITS DUTCH, ITS WASHINGTON DC, ITS LONDON, ITS BERLIN, ITS SCANDINAVIA...ITS RUSSIAN AND WORLD MUST REJECTED ONE OR FADE AWAY.


MARK RUTTE WAS INVOLVED IN GENOCIDE AGAINST ME ON BEHALF OF KING WILLEM OF NETHERLANDS SINCE 1995 - DAY 1 OF TORTURE VIA MK ULTRA.

WAR IN UKRAINE HAD AS PRIMARILY TASK TO RESOLVE INTERNAL CRIESES IN WHICH WORLD IS BOILING FOR THE LAST 30 YEARS, AND THOSE WILL GET RESOLVED BUT NOT IN THE NAME OF PSYCHOLOGY OF TERRORISM EVOLUTION....YELLOW YELLOW WILL PREVAIL !!! I WILL GLADLY BE THE FIRST ONE TO RETURN YOU YOUR WWII IDENTITY. @MARK RUTTE - NO PASARAN !!! 
























XX


The Moscow Bombings of September 1999: Examinations of Russian Terrorist Attacks at the Onset of Vladimir Putin’s Rule
by John B. Dunlop
Stuttgart: Ibidem, 251 pp., €34.90 (paper)


In 2000 Sergei Kovalev, then the widely respected head of the Russian organization Memorial, observed in these pages that the apartment bombings in Russia in September 1999, which killed three hundred people and wounded hundreds of others, “were a crucial moment in the unfolding of our current history. After the first shock passed, it turned out that we were living in an entirely different country….”


The bombings, it will be recalled, were blamed on Chechen rebels and used as a pretext for Boris Yeltsin’s Kremlin to launch a bloody second war against Chechnya, a republic in the Russian Federation. They also were crucial events in promoting Vladimir Putin’s takeover of the Russian presidency as Yeltsin’s anointed successor in 2000 and in ensuring his dominance over the Russian political scene ever since.

As John Dunlop points out in The Moscow Bombings of September 1999, the attacks were the equivalent for Russians of September 11, 2001, for Americans. They aroused a fear of terrorism—along with a desire for revenge against the Chechens—that Russians had not known since Stalin used the supposed terrorist threat as a pretext to launch his bloody purges of the 1930s. Yet unlike in the American case, Russian authorities have stonewalled all efforts to investigate who was behind these acts of terror and why they happened. In the words of Russian journalist Yuliya Kalinina: “The Americans several months after 11 September 2001 already knew everything—who the terrorists were and where they come from…. We in general know nothing.”

Dunlop, a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, seeks in his book to provide the “spade work” for an official Russian inquiry, if it ever were to be initiated (a highly doubtful proposition as long as Putin remains in power). He draws on investigative reporting by Russian journalists, accounts of Russian officials in law enforcement agencies, eyewitness testimony, and the analyses of Western journalists and academics. The evidence he provides makes an overwhelming case that Russian authorities were complicit in these horrific attacks.


Dunlop explains why the political situation in which the terrorist attacks took place is crucial for understanding them. Yeltsin and his “Family” (an entourage that included his daughter Tatyana Dyachenko, Yeltsin adviser Valentin Yumashev, who later married Tatyana, the oligarch Boris Berezovsky, and Aleksandr Voloshin, head of the presidential administration) were facing a huge crisis by the spring of 1999. Yeltsin was in ailing health and suffering from alcoholism. His popularity had fallen steeply and there was a strong possibility that his political base—a loose movement called “Unity”—would lose the parliamentary and presidential elections (respectively scheduled for December 1999 and March 2000). Yeltsin and his two daughters were facing reports charging that they had large amounts of money in secret bank accounts abroad through illegal transactions with a Swiss construction firm called Mabetex. And Berezovsky was under investigation for embezzlement when he had been running Aeroflot.



No comments:

Post a Comment